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BIBLIOGRAPHIES BY TOPIC
“Free Students’ Unions in Spain,” Minerva Vol. 4, Nov 4-Sept. 66
José Maria Maravall, Dictatorship and Political Dissent: Workers and Students in Franco’s Spain (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1978) This is said to be one of the few works in English on the subject.
Juan Bosch, The Unfinished Experiment: Democracy in the Dominican Republic (London: Pall Mall Press, 1966).
Piero Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis: The 1965 Constitutionalist Revolt and American Intervention (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978)
Stephen G. Rabe, “The Caribbean Triangle: Betancourt, Trujillo and Castro, and U.S. Foreign Policy, 1958-1963,” Diplomatic History, January 1996, Volume 20: 1: 55-78.
ALL notes correspond to the endnotes in Patriotic Betrayal, supply additional information or evidence, and should be read together.
Note 13: Carlton Stoiber: Gil Kulick, who was not witting, expanded on the situation in the International Commission office after apologizing for a tardy response to a cable: “Actually, the cables were received before he [Stoiber] resigned, but none ever got father than his desk. Neither did anything else that came across it, [and] that is basically the reason that he resigned.” H/NSA Box 12 (1952-1965) December 6, 1965, Kulick letter to Ed Garvey at COSEC. Stoiber’s inaction surely had more to do with his inner turmoil over Sherburne’s strategy than it did with any kind of malfeasance, since Stoiber was an exceptionally bright and competent man.
Note 19: Charles Goldmark. The Goldmark family murders took place on Christmas eve, 1985. A misprint in the text implied the murders took place earlier. David Allen Rice, a paranoid delusional, believed that Goldmark was the leader of a communist conspiracy. Goldmark, then 41, had become a prominent Seattle attorney. In 1987, the Legal Foundation of Washington founded the Charles A. Goldmark Distinguish Service award, which is given annually in his honor.
While Rice had initially been sentenced to death in 1986 (per end note), the death sentence was overturned in 1995 on a technicality; the court found Rice had not been present during the penalty phase. Rice subsequently pleaded guilty, and is serving a life sentence.
Note 21: Frederick Berger: In 1962, Latin American specialist Joe Love, NSA international staff, interviewed Berger on December 8 and 10, 1962, noted he was a member of Fair Play for Cuba, and “seemed to accept the contention that the US was an imperialist power.” Love faulted Berger for failing to connect the October Cuban missile crisis with events in Berlin but advocated nonetheless that he be given travel funds to go to Latin America. He speculated that Berger, if developed, could be “of great value to us reporting (informally) on the Uruguayan and Argentine situations.” H/NSA Box 26 (IC Correspondence)
Note 26: Dominican Republic The 1965 invasion created friction between LBJ and William Fulbright, Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to Pat M. Holt, chief of staff to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (1950-1977), the feeling re LBJ was if all, “this impetuousness and dissembling with respect to a little old country like the Dominican Republic, why the hell should we trust him with respect to a major operation like Vietnam.” (Oral History Interview, #6: The Dominican Republic and the Gulf of Tonkin Affairs, November 10, 1980.) Available at http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/Holt_interview_6.pdf
Note 82: Charles Sweet: In a contemporary interview, Sweet told me that cooperation between IVS (International Visitors Service) and the CIA began in 1964. While Kiley denied having sent the negative cables about Sherburne to Saigon, he can’t answer the question of who else in the CIA might have sent them. My deepest thanks to the Cornell University archivist, Elaine Engst, who went to great effort to find contact information for Sweet, who has since passed away. Sweets papers are in the Cornell Archives.
Note 102: Sherburne White House meeting: Neither I nor NSA President Phil Sherburne remember why I typed the letter to request his appointment with the Vice President in July 1966, since by then Sherburne had an independent relationship with Humphrey. I speculate that he did not want the letter typed at NSA headquarters, where curious eyes might question why he sought an appointment. My assignment caused me much stress, since I used the typewriter in the law firm where I had been assigned to work that summer as a Kelly Girl employee (temporary secretary). I worked for the newest and youngest member of the firm, Thomas (Tommy) Hale Boggs, Jr., whose father was the House Majority Leader, and whose family was close to the LBJ family. I was terrified that Boggs, who had a habit of unexpectedly coming up behind my desk, would look over my shoulder and say, in his folksy manner, “Whatdeya writin’ to Hube about?” I ruined several pristine sheets of NSA letterhead as this possibility played over in my head.